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April 15, 2005
by Matt Barr

The good idea clause

Tim Sandefur responds, perfectly reasonably, but still unhealthily conflating what the constitution itself does not deny or disparage with what the constitution forbids from being denied or disparaged.

Justice Scalia explicitly holds that the promotion of the majority’s sexual morality is a legitimate state interest under the Constitution. The Constitution, of course, says no such thing; it is silent on the issue of whether the state may interfere with the liberty to engage in private, adult, consensual sexual activity. And since it is silent, we may not deny or disparage the existence of such a right. Further, since that right may not be denied and disparaged, it is among the privileges or immunities of citizens with which no state may interfere under the Fourteenth Amendment.

Internal links omitted. The problem is that the constitutional provision we're both reading but differently says that the constitution's silence itself may not be construed to deny or disparage a right retained by the people. This is crucially different than if it said that no right not enumerated in the constitution may be denied or disparaged by anything or anybody else. Or, as Sandefur puts it, because the constitution is silent, "we" may not deny or disparage. The use of "we" is easiest to pin down as obviously wrong; there is no noun in the Ninth Amendment that can be shortened to "we" in the way Sandefur means it. You can't use "we" as shorthand for "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights."

UPDATE: Sandefur reads this post to be "resort[ing] to the old argument" that he's just reading his preferences into the Constitution. I'm not sure which part is supposed to be doing that; the most likely culprit is the paragraph just below the fold, which throws out a possible "question for another time," along with other cleverly-hidden clues, like context, that it's not my current point. I'm either not making my point well, or Sandefur isn't understanding it. Whichever is the case, it's a good time to stop. Suffice it to say that the right to govern one's self is not at odds with leveraging the democratic process -- it most fundamentally is leveraging the democratic process. I may not want Tim Sandefur cancelling out my vote any more than he'd want me cancelling his out, but not even the Fourteenth Amendment guarantees an easy time of things, or a sympathetic judge every time you don't get your way.


Sandefur reads the Ninth Amendment as an affirmative protection of unenumerated rights -- surely not all unenumerated rights, like duck hunting, so a question for another time may be which rights in particular are affirmatively protected and, possibly more importantly, who decides.

At the outset, I should note that to the extent Sandefur's previous post said (and it did) "there is nothing politically wrong with asking this question" (emphasis supplied), he's absolutely right. I bring this up because he characterizes my argument in the previous post to be that "it's not fair" that Scalia was treated unprofessionally by some punk. That's not really what I was getting at. As I tried to make clear, what prompted me to write was Sandefur's conflation of "a bad idea" with "unconstitutional."

To wit: Anything not mentioned in the constitution is "a legitimate state interest," in the passage reproduced above. Here, the distinction may be more difficult (which is a shame, based on how well we're doing otherwise). True, Scalia dissents in terms of whether the constitution of the United States allows a state to outlaw or regulate particular conduct, and a short answer to that may be under the constitution, something is left to the states. That's because he and the Court have jurisdiction to decide that queston, not whether, the matter being free of constitutional stricture, the state should act. (At least, Scalia and I argue the Court has no such jurisdiction, the people do; and that may be the crux of the problem here.)

We can peer into Scalia's character for clues whether he would support a law against homosexual sex or not, as I wouldn't and Sandefur wouldn't, and Sandefur is free to, but it strikes me as unnecessary. All a Justice of the Supreme Court has the power to do is to decide, in concert with other Justices, whether the federal constitution prohibits the state action at issue. Where we seem to part is that I am comfortable with the idea that if the constitution does not prohibit something, all is not lost. There doesn't have to be a catch-all clause in the Bill of Rights, Ninth Amendment, Fourteenth or elsewhere, prohibiting laws that aren't good ideas. There are other ways to govern ourselves, and better ways to change bad laws.

I'll dispense with my "frivolous" argument, because it's not that big a deal, except to note that I think it's fundamental that our first recourse should be to the political process, which is a distinctly minority position lately, you may have noticed.

Mr. Justice Scalia is a big boy and probably doesn't need me to defend his feelings, but I wasn't, as I hope is clearer now. His view that where the constitution is silent you need to look elsewhere for guidance, prohibition, regulation, revelation, whatever does not mean that anything not menioned in the constitution is fair game for "armed agents of the state" to run around enforcing. The country needs to disentangle itself from the notion the constitution of the United States is full of every good thing and a balm against every bad thing the human mind can conceive and legislate against. That's it's own kind of tyranny.

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